Day 13: Liberty University, 2007–Present (Part Two)
The distinction between an inclusive and exclusive culture depends on the degree to which the creators of that culture are committed to understanding and actively addressing the concerns of others.
When I agreed to share my observations on Liberty and its interactions with the Black community on and off campus, I confess that I was a little nervous. For one thing, I wouldn’t describe my situation as typical for a Black person on campus.
When I arrived on campus in 2011, I was tailor-made for Liberty—a Republican for most of my adult life, a former Bush administration appointee, a former GOP candidate for public office, a Tea Party activist, and the author of a book about my experiences as a Black conservative. It was the book that led to my first visit to Liberty in September 2010, as a guest speaker for the new LU chapter of the Frederick Douglass Foundation, a black conservative group. A few weeks after that, I was introduced to the dean of Liberty University’s Helms School of Government while hawking the book at the Faith and Freedom Coalition’s annual Road to Majority Conference. In May 2011, I traveled to Liberty for a book signing at the school bookstore. During that visit, I had the opportunity to meet with the dean. To my surprise, he extended an invitation for me to apply for an associate dean position responsible for overseeing their online programs. I commenced my role at Liberty in August 2011.
I want to be clear that I don’t recall being personally subjected to racism during my more than eleven years on campus, at least not in a form that I was aware of. My family and I owe a great deal to Liberty University, and I do not doubt that God’s hand was in my coming here, even if I left as someone who is not quite the same person I was when I arrived. I have several dear friends and professional colleagues at Liberty, and I contribute financially to the Helms School of Government as a gesture of gratitude for my time with them and in appreciation of the exceptional opportunities they offer to students seeking to serve in the public square.
That said, several Black students and employees recounted stories to me that opened my eyes to the gap that existed between Blacks and whites at Liberty, and it revolved around the conservative political climate that has been a part of Liberty’s DNA from its founding. Despite the occasional liberal politician being invited to Liberty and given a polite hearing, such as Senator Ted Kennedy in 1983, Senator Bernie Sanders in 2015, and former President Jimmy Carter, who delivered the commencement address in 2018, the school was considered a mandatory stop for any conservative politician hoping to raise their profile.
The visuals of these politicians speaking to an auditorium of over 11,000 students at one of the weekly Convocations were too good to pass up. Senator Ted Cruz announced his candidacy for president at Liberty in 2015, and a reality show celebrity and real estate mogul named Donald Trump spoke at a Convocation in September 2012, a little less than three years before descending the golden escalator at Trump Tower in New York City to announce his candidacy for president in 2015.
Trump returned to campus as a candidate in 2016 and was endorsed by LU President Jerry Falwell, Jr., a week later. This endorsement surprised the political community, as Ted Cruz, known for his strong Christian faith and pastoral lineage, was widely regarded as the preferred candidate among evangelicals. Many had assumed that his campaign launch at Liberty University the previous year indicated an endorsement from Falwell. Trump would revisit Liberty in 2017 as President of the United States to speak to a commencement crowd of over 50,000.
I've expounded on the entrenched political conservatism at Liberty because it is a line of demarcation between white and Black evangelical Christians in America that has existed for generations. Though white and Black evangelical Christians share similar theological beliefs, their political expressions differ greatly. The political division between these two groups persists even though they share four characteristics that historian David Bebbington defines and Black author, academic, and theologian Esau McCaulley accepts as “a good starting point” to describe evangelicalism:
Conversionism: the belief that lives need to be transformed through a “born-again” experience and a lifelong process of following Jesus.
Activism: the expression and demonstration of the gospel in missionary and social reform efforts.
Biblicism: a high regard for and obedience to the Bible as the ultimate authority.
Crucicentrism: a stress on the sacrifice of Jesus Christ on the cross as making possible the redemption of humanity.1
It’s well known that 81% of white evangelicals supported Donald Trump in the 2016 election, and this high percentage has remained relatively constant, increasing to 85% in 2024. Conversely, 88% of black evangelicals opposed Trump in 2016, and that number remained essentially unchanged in subsequent elections. Evangelicals may believe in “one Lord, one faith, one baptism” (Ephesians 4:5). However, they have very different political views, and this dichotomy is apparent when looking at the tensions between whites and Blacks at Liberty University.
There was a very public flashpoint in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic and in the wake of a series of high-profile murders of Black people involving white people or police officers—Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. There was also a moment when I came very close to becoming Liberty’s first chief diversity officer, which ties into the story, as well.
I’ve defined four periods of time in describing the racial dynamic at Liberty.
The first period spans from the university's founding in 1971 to 2007, when, after the death of Rev. Jerry Falwell, Sr., his son Jerry Falwell, Jr. became president of the university.
The second is marked by the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States in 2008 and extending into his second term.
The third is marked by President Falwell’s increasing political activism, which culminated in his endorsement and campaign activism for Donald Trump in 2015 and 2016.
The fourth period began in 2020, characterized by the global COVID-19 pandemic and significant racial unrest following the death of George Floyd, which led to nationwide protests under the slogan “black lives matter.” A specific action by President Falwell during this time led to a public dispute with Black students, teachers, alumni, and community leaders. He eventually apologized and later resigned due to unrelated matters, but not without leaving scars.
Somewhere between the third and fourth periods, I was asked to consider a new role at Liberty as the university’s first “chief intercultural engagement officer,” essentially a chief diversity officer by another name. I wasn’t selected, but the reasons why the role was created reflect on the topic at hand.
I. The Formative Years
In the previous article, I discussed the Rev. Jerry Falwell’s journey from an avowed segregationist to a repentant integrationist. From the moment of his conversion to his death in 2007, he not only offered several Black residents of the area scholarships to Liberty University, but he also encouraged Black Christian music and cultural expressions as a way of reaching as many people as possible for Christ. The renowned Christian rap and rock group DC Talk, which got its start at Liberty University, was bolstered by Falwell’s written endorsements and the platforms he provided for them to gain recognition, including his radio and television ministry. One of their members, Michael Tait, who is regrettably in the news these days for other, sordid reasons, called Falwell “my white daddy” and revered the man.
At the time of Falwell’s death, Black students made up between 10% and 15% of the overall student body. Many of these Black students came from the local area because they had been personally recruited by Rev. Falwell and offered scholarships to attend the university. As I mentioned previously, these percentages were low compared to the percentages of Black people in the City of Lynchburg and Virginia as a whole. However, they were able to form a vibrant campus community that was distinct from the white conservative Christian culture that dominated the campus. A couple of Black LU alumni recalled that time with great fondness:
When I got there, black culture was really popping. Step teams, black basketball tournaments, black musical groups outside of Praise. Not to mention C4ME and large, ranging black social groups.
The golden era was the time which it was a heavy expression of black and some other cultural groups' collaboration together in music, dance, culture, and the arts. Especially through the MISO office.2
MISO—The Minority and International Students Office—was the precursor to the Center for Multicultural Enrichment (Center4ME), and it played a central role in providing focused support for Black students and raising awareness of Black culture for the entire student body. Bridging the Gap Urban Ministries, a national parachurch organization, began at Liberty University and hosted a wide range of events that, while open to all students, held a particular appeal for Black students; these events included step and hip-hop dance teams, mime and praise dance performances, and their signature event, Gospel Fest, which blends gospel music, spoken word, and other forms of artistic expression for praise and worship.
This “golden age” for Black students at Liberty came to an end when it confronted the political realities of Liberty’s campus culture. The 2008 presidential election exposed divisions between Black and white students on campus, and Barack Obama’s victory, and, subsequently, several racially charged killings that made national headlines, created what many Black students perceived as an inhospitable environment.
II. The Obama Era
I was not yet on staff when Barack Obama was running for president; however, it should go without saying that he wasn’t the favored candidate on the Liberty University campus. After he won the election, several Black students said their white classmates began to treat them differently. As one Black alumnus put it, “That’s when people started getting super weird at LU and TRBC [Thomas Road Baptist Church] about Obama ... People called him ‘your president’ to me...just cause I was black.” Some said that President Falwell initially refused to refer to Obama by his name after the election, calling him “the President-elect.”
A Black employee wrote, “I definitely called out the day of and following Obama's 2008 election. Between the email of them being monkeys and apes (sent from the Director to the AD) and the mandatory prayers at the beginning of each shift, where they prayed vigorously against the antichrist...I knew that week would be too much.”
A black alumna summed up the shift in the environment, declaring, “Truth be told, later part of 2006-on was really good until Obama's run in 2008…2008-on has been really damaging.”
Obama’s reelection in 2012 escalated the tension. Several alumni reported unrest on campus the night of his victory. While Black students celebrated his historic re-election, white students allegedly expressed themselves differently. A Black alumnus claimed that violence took place after both Obama victories, stating point blank, “There were riots when Obama got elected and re-elected in '08 and '12.” Another black alumnus recalled:
“The riots on campus when Obama won re-election shook me... I’d never seen ‘Christians’ act the way they did that night. Lot of true colors got shown…Property defaced. Cars damaged. At least 2 physical altercations that I heard of. The day after there was a ton of talk and people passing out printed proof of racist things Trey Falwell was spreading on social apps the night of.”
According to another Black alumna’s recollection, the social media post attributed to Trey Falwell, President Falwell’s son and a senior leader on campus, read, “Guess we have a Black House for four more years.”
A Black alumna wrote, “the Vines Center was crazy; police showed up out of nowhere!!! We were just jumping and celebrating and the floor was lined with LUPD!”3
These events marked a turning point for Black students on campus. It was during this time that Black residential student enrollment fell from double digits (10%-15%) to 4%. Liberty University publicly denied that this drop was due to any issues on campus. However, Black students expressed concerns regarding the politicization of President Falwell, as well as selective invitations for campus visits from Black speakers. The university only hosted conservatives such as Candace Owens and the Rev. Jesse Peterson, who disputed claims of systemic racism, police brutality, and injustices faced by Black Americans. Additionally, there were numerous instances cited in social media accounts of perceived slights, insults, and subtle remarks that contributed to Black students feeling unwelcome. One student recounted an incident in class that was particularly shocking, leaving her without words.
“I'll never forget when Trayvon Martin was killed, my theology professor had the audacity to say, in front of the whole class on his lil dusty microphone:
‘Well don't dress like a thug and you won't get shot.’ And other white students began clapping. I should have walked out or something, but I was stuck! Shock literally glued me to my chair smh [shaking my head]”
Contributing to these tensions was a series of police killings of Black individuals that garnered national attention. Notable cases included Michael Brown (2014), Eric Garner (2014), Tamir Rice (2014), Freddy Gray (2015), Walter Scott (2015), Philando Castile (2016), Alton Sterling (2016), and Terrence Crutcher (2016). When viewed collectively, it’s amazing that the nation hadn’t faced a racial reckoning sooner. But no one was prepared for the emergence of Donald Trump or the radicalization of Jerry Falwell, Jr.
III. The Politicization of a College President
When Jerry Falwell, Jr., succeeded his father as President of Liberty University, he seemed uncomfortable in the role. I arrived on campus in 2011 and remember President Falwell as a halting public speaker with a monotone delivery and little desire to be in the spotlight. Although he spoke the words of his father regarding the university and its culture, he seemed content to be a planner, builder, and administrator. He guided Liberty University to unprecedented financial success, expanding enrollment, investing in athletic programs to attract top talent and achieve national recognition, and building an impressive physical campus. I recall an interview he did with Fox News, where they sought his opinion on a political matter. Although I’ve never been able to find the clip, he said something to the effect of, “I’m not a politician; I’m a college president.”
However, December 2015 marked a shift in his public persona, even though he continued to insist that he was a college president first and foremost. His comments following a deadly mass shooting in San Bernardino, California, carried out by an Islamic couple inspired by the ISIS terrorist group, generated immediate backlash:
“During the school’s weekly convocation, Falwell dismissed calls for gun control in the wake of the deadly shooting in San Bernardino, California. ‘It just blows my mind when I see the President of the United States say that the answer to circumstances like that is more gun control,’ Falwell said. ‘If some of those people in that community center had had what I’ve got in my back pocket right now,’ he continued before he was cut off with cheers from the crowd. ‘I’ve always thought if more good people had concealed-carry permits, then we could end those Muslims before they walk in and killed us.’ He then encouraged the students at Liberty University to get concealed-carry permits. ‘Let’s teach them a lesson if they ever show up here,’ Falwell said.”4
Falwell later clarified that he was not speaking of all Muslims, only those who plan to carry out terrorist attacks. Nevertheless, he was roundly criticized by center-left political figures, including the then-governor of Virginia, Terry McAuliffe, as well as religious leaders and civil rights groups. It’s not for me to say if this incident emboldened him to step further into the political arena, but a little more than a year later, he was back in the national spotlight with his endorsement of Donald Trump for president, which was significant in giving evangelical voters sanction to support a man whose well-documented public persona seemed counter to their previous emphasis on personal morality in public leadership. His endorsement was controversial on campus, but Trump’s electoral victory seemed to validate Falwell’s decision, and any dissent on campus went underground. Trump’s commencement speech at Liberty in 2017 marked only the second time a sitting President of the United States had spoken at Liberty, the first being President George H.W. Bush in 1990.
IV. COVID, Masks, and the Fall of a President
In the spring of 2020, the world was gripped by a once-in-a-century global pandemic, and most of the United States was in a lockdown to minimize social contact and mitigate the spread of the COVID-19 virus. President Falwell had already stirred controversy by downplaying the impact of COVID-19 and initially deciding to keep the LU campus open after spring break. Pressure from state and city officials, as well as negative national publicity, led him to rescind that decision; however, he continued to complain about the restrictions, including the requirement to wear face masks to prevent the spread of infection. What happened next ignited a racially charged firestorm that caused many Black employees to resign and some Black athletes to leave Liberty or rescind their commitments to attend the university. This is from the Washington Post opinion pages:
“Alleged Christian Jerry Falwell Jr. tweeted his version of the Battle of Chancellorsville when he said he ‘was adamantly opposed to the mandate from @GovernorVA requiring citizens to wear face masks until I decided to design my own. If I am ordered to wear a mask, I will reluctantly comply, only if this picture of Governor Blackface himself is on it!’
“And he included the image of a mask emblazoned with the racist photo from the 1984 medical school yearbook of Gov. Ralph Northam (D), which shows someone in blackface next to someone in a Ku Klux Klan hood and robes. Last year, Northam denied that he was in the photo, although he acknowledged darkening his face to imitate Michael Jackson in a dance contest later that year. He apologized and refused to resign.”5
This gesture was tone-deaf at best, particularly at a time when the nation, already in a state of unrest over the pandemic, was protesting the death of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police, a horrific incident captured on video. Black students and employees went public with their frustrations. A letter demanding Falwell’s resignation was signed by 35 Black alumni, including the daughter and son-in-law of Dr. Allen McFarland, vice chairman and one of the few Black members of the LU Board of Trustees. Black employees from the Office of Equity and Inclusion resigned and aired their grievances in a Slate article. A Black adjunct professor of strategic communications publicly published his resignation letter to President Falwell, who dismissed the significance of his departure by saying he only “teaches two courses.”
A conflict occurred in downtown Lynchburg when a local white businessman inquired on social media about obtaining copies of the mask displayed by Falwell. The restaurant he owned was situated in a predominantly Black area of Lynchburg, and his comment incited a protest that escalated into a disturbance requiring intervention by the Lynchburg police to restore order.
Following discussions with Dr. McFarland and other Black alumni of Liberty University with whom he had maintained a friendship, Falwell ultimately issued an apology for his post. He appointed Kelvin Edwards, a former Liberty alumnus, and Turner Gill, the former head football coach at Liberty University, to the university's then-newly established Office of Equity and Inclusion. The office was headed by Greg Dowell, who had previously served as Dean of Minority and International Students and Dean of Students in the 1990s.
Shortly thereafter, President Falwell was forced to resign after a series of scandals unrelated to the mask controversy. Jerry Prevo, the president of the LU Board of Trustees, succeeded Falwell as president, and he removed Edwards and Gill from their positions. He instead appointed Shon Muldrow, a former corporate executive, as Executive Vice President of Inclusion, Diversity, and Equity and Chief Diversity Officer. Dr. McFarland replaced Prevo in his previous role, becoming the first Black person in Liberty’s history to serve as board chairman. He lasted for one year before being quickly replaced by Dr. Tim Lee, a longtime board member and associate of Jerry Falwell, Sr. At a Southern Baptist Convention of Virginia event in 2021, Dr. McFarland suggested that his demotion was due to his opposition to Donald Trump:
“I began to notice things.… ‘And I began to speak out to things that maybe I shouldn’t—say things like, ‘We’re raising champions for Christ, not champions for the Republican Party. We’re raising champions for Christ, not champions for Donald Trump. I thought (the board) was supposed to be doing this. But I got in trouble, trouble big time.’”6
After his remarks, he noted that the agenda for the upcoming trustee meeting included the election of board officers, even though, as chairman, he was responsible for setting the agenda and had not been consulted. When he introduced the item, a new chairman and vice-chairman were swiftly nominated and elected, with no discussion or debate. He later recalled that no one acknowledged or thanked him for his service as board chairman. Dr. McFarland remains on the board until his term expires in 2027.
Today, the front office landscape has undergone a complete transformation. The new president of Liberty University is Dr. Dondi Costin, who, in my opinion, is the most qualified of Liberty University’s presidents in terms of academic credentials and experience. He brings a winsomeness to the role that is a relief after the headline-grabbing exploits of the past, and he has committed to being a good partner with the City of Lynchburg and surrounding communities, emphasizing the university’s mission over national politics, and reforming and stabilizing the university’s workplace culture.
Shon Muldrow is gone, relieved of his duties in early 2024, leaving Greg Dowell as the “last man standing” in LU ONE, the successor to the original Office of Equity and Inclusion, which underwent several structural changes to get to its current configuration. LU ONE is dedicated to “biblical diversity,” which, depending on who you ask, either doesn’t go far enough or is too “woke” for a conservative institution.
Meanwhile, Black student residential enrollment is estimated at 6% to 8%, a modest increase based on intentional recruitment of targeted black communities. Liberty University Online (LUO) is significantly more diverse, with an estimated 27% of its enrollment comprising Black students. Former President Falwell would often cite the LUO number when questions arose about the decline in the number of Black students at Liberty.
Diversity has always been a hallmark of the school’s online program. The accessibility and affordability of LUO programs, the broader geographic reach, the prevalence of nontraditional learners, and the opportunity to pursue a Christian higher education without being immersed in the white conservative Christian culture are contributing factors.
During the Helms School of Government’s commencement ceremony in 2021, when I was the online dean, my counterpart, former congressman and residential dean Robert Hurt, leaned over to me and commented on the LUO graduates assembled on the left side of the football field at Williams Stadium. He remarked, “That looks like America.”
I mentioned that I was considered for the role of the university’s first chief diversity officer in late 2017. It came down to two candidates, and Greg Dowell was ultimately chosen for the position. I was disappointed at the time because I honestly believed it was a calling for me to help guide Liberty University to a place of racial reconciliation. However, I understood why Greg was chosen. He had a history with Liberty University, and he was the founder of the Minority and International Students Office (MISO) back in 1992 before it became the Center4ME.
Greg and I became friends, and I offered my advice whenever he sought it, learning over time that he had to operate within political constraints that, had I been selected for the position, I don’t know I would have tolerated. Not long after that, I was named interim dean of the Helms School of Government, the only Black dean on campus. Much of what you’ve read in this article I learned while in that role, visiting the now-defunct Center4ME and speaking with Black students in a safe space.
I departed Liberty in September 2022, and although I occasionally have virtual conversations with select classes in the School of Social Work on the topic of racial reconciliation by invitation, I no longer have access to the Black students on campus that I once did. Greg Dowell is the only Black person in senior leadership, and there is still only one Black dean at Liberty, who is currently in an interim role. I am not suggesting that a numerical target is the sole metric by which to determine a school’s commitment to diversity. However, when you’re in the majority and you have multiple opportunities for community, it might be difficult to understand how isolating a homogenous, culturally monolithic institution like Liberty can feel to a Black student, faculty member, or employee. The average White American has only one Black friend out of 100, while the average Black American has eight white friends out of 100. The likelihood that a white person knows and understands a Black person’s life experience is exceedingly slim. The distinction between an inclusive and exclusive culture depends on the degree to which the creators of that culture are committed to understanding and actively addressing the concerns of others.
When I wrote my statement for the chief diversity officer position at Liberty, I cited 2 Corinthians 12:12-27 as the basis for how Liberty University, and frankly, all Christians, should consider and act upon the topic of diversity. The core of my proposal is as follows:
When I speak of diversity in the body of Christ, I am deliberately pointing us to the Scriptures in 1 Corinthians 12:12-27, which capture the key components of diversity as God intends it. They are complementarity and unity.
In using the metaphor of the church as “one body” and its members as “many parts” (1 Corinthians 12: 12), Paul encapsulates the complementary nature of the diverse people - “Jews or Greeks, slaves or free” (1 Corinthians 12: 13) – that comprise the church. The metaphor uses the human body, the Lord’s foremost creation, to illustrate how each of us maintains our unique function within the Christian community yet we do not – indeed, we cannot – stand alone. “If all were a single member, where would the body be?”, Paul asks (1 Corinthians 12:19).
The Oxford English Dictionary defines complementarity as “a relationship or situation in which two or more different things improve or emphasize each other’s qualities.” Biblical diversity means that we are greater together than apart and each of us enriches the other.
Ultimately, Biblical diversity should lead to unity – “the state of being united and joined as a whole.”
Everything we propose to bring more diversity should be evaluated based on whether it adds to or detracts from complete unity under Christ, and adopted only if it honors His prayer for us thousands of years ago, In John 17, Jesus prayed that “we may be brought to complete unity” (John 17:23). May it be so someday.
Ron Miller is a college administrator, educator, church elder, community activist, veteran, and computer nerd. He lives in Forest, Virginia, with his family. A devoted husband and father of three adult children, he is soon to be a proud grandfather.
McCaulley, Esau. Reading While Black: African American Biblical Interpretation as an Exercise in Hope. IVP Academic, 2020.
These comments and all following in this post are extracted from a series of Facebook posts by a Black LU alumnus. There were 241 comments to his two posts on the topic of Black students at LU.
Although there were no press reports of “riots” on the Liberty University (LU) campus, it should be noted that the Liberty University Police Department (LUPD) has complete jurisdiction over the campus. This means that they could have addressed and managed any violent incidents internally without needing to inform the general public.
“Jerry Falwell Jr. ought to read Bible before attacking Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam with mask.” The Washington Post, 28 May, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/jerry-falwell-jr-ought-to-read-the-bible-before-he-uses-masks-for-political-attack/2020/05/28/8fc889dc-a0ff-11ea-b5c9-570a91917d8d_story.html
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